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For over a century, French bread has carried the weight of national identity, from wartime rationing to UNESCO recognition of the baguette in 2022. Less visible in that story is the labour of the women behind the counter, and increasingly, behind the oven. A new article by Sylvia Grove in Contemporary French Civilization traces three attempts by French bakery women to organise on their own behalf and the account offers a useful lens for anyone thinking about workforce, education and representation in baking today.
Grove's research identifies three groups, each responding to the pressures of its era.
La Ligue des boulangères (1915)
Formed after France's 1914 mobilisation left thousands of bakers' wives running businesses alone, often without legal authority to manage the accounts, staffing or supplies their husbands had controlled. The group organised petitions to the Ministère de la Guerre, secured concessions on staffing rotations for bakeries and at points clashed directly with the Paris bakers' trade body, which the article suggests saw little reason to support women's claims for aid. Newspaper reports cited in the article put attendance at the group's first Paris meeting at over 2,000 women.
La Commission des boulangères (1986)
Emerged from a different problem: a generation of women who had married into bakeries but had no formal training, at a time when supermarkets and fast food were reshaping the competitive landscape.
Under Rose-Marie Lefetey, a baker from Normandy working as a travelling instructor for the Institut national de la boulangerie-pâtisserie, the Commission grew to reach branches in the large majority of French departments within two years and ran national seminars into the late 1990s. Grove's account also notes conflicting versions of how the Commission ended, with its founder and a fellow committee member recalling its dissolution differently.
Les Pomponettes (2012)
Used social media to try to connect qualified female bakers, as distinct from bakery shopfront staff and to challenge assumptions about who bakes professionally. Despite national trade press coverage, the group's momentum was short-lived, with its founders citing the gap between media interest and sustained day-to-day participation.
Read together, the three cases chart a shift Grove describes as moving from explicit legal barriers to more implicit, cultural ones, even as legislation and training access for women in the trade improved over the twentieth century. The article draws on trade press archives, interviews with surviving founders, and a 2019 memoir by Lefetey.
The archival material gives the article its weight. A letter Grove cites from a boulangère in Doubs, read aloud at a 1915 Ligue meeting, describes what happened when her husband left for the front and she kept the bakery running with an old worker's help: wartime rules meant only registered proprietors could obtain flour and when she appealed to the mayor for support, he requisitioned her oven and equipment instead.
Decades later, Rose-Marie Lefetey, who led the Commission des boulangères from 1986, wrote in her memoir that a shop should be 'a theatre of treats', so that customers become spectators glad to visit, a line that captures her push to get bakery women recognised for their eye for display and merchandising as much as their labour behind the counter.
Echoes elsewhere in Europe
Grove's article is specifically about France, but the underlying pattern, women organising within or alongside a male-dominated bakery trade, has parallels across the continent.
In Spain, the same public-facing/private-workshop divide Grove describes in France has its own documented history. The Gremio de Panaderos y Pasteleros de Valencia, one of Spain's oldest bakery guilds, notes in its own published history that customer-facing sales were traditionally women's work while the workshop, or obrador, remained male territory, a split it traces back to Moorish-era Spain, when women kneaded bread at home and carried it to public ovens for baking.
The guild also records that women were formally barred from joining Spanish baking guilds from the fifteenth century onward.
Sweden's national bakery union, founded in Gothenburg in 1896, set up a dedicated section for women members within two years of its founding, according to research on Swedish trade union membership by labour historian Anders Kjellberg.
In Germany, the food and hospitality union NGG (Gewerkschaft Nahrung-Genuss-Gaststätten), which represents workers across the country's baking industry, currently reserves a seat on its national executive board for a member elected by its women's committee and one of its two deputy chairs, Claudia Tiedge, is a woman. In Britain, the modern equivalent of the trade bodies Grove describes is the Bakers, Food and Allied Workers' Union (BFAWU), founded in 1847, whose current general secretary, Sarah Woolley, was the first woman to lead the union when elected in 2019 and was re-elected unopposed to a further five-year term in May 2026.
Taken together, these examples suggest the organisational instinct Grove documents in France, women seeking each other out for training, representation or simple professional recognition, is not a French peculiarity but a recurring feature of the trade's history across Europe.
For an industrial baking audience, the direct relevance is more historical and cultural than technical, but the themes will be familiar: workforce shortages driving organisational change, the gap between formal qualification and informal experience and the ongoing question of who gets counted as a professional baker. Grove's article is a reminder that these questions have a long history in the trade and one that has rarely been written down.
The full article, "From brides to bakers: women's organizations and identity politics of the French boulangère, 1915–2013," is published open access in Contemporary French Civilization, Volume 51, Number 1-2.



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